The Rothschilds created and funded Schicklgruber, and Schicklgruber never harmed/killed them or confiscated their Banks/wealth during WW2. Now what?
Restating your claim doesn't prove anything. Still waiting for you to put forward some kind of evidence.
Now it's my turn. Does the following sound like a jewish Rothschild agent to you?
"I next argued that the gold standard, the fixing of rates of exchange and so forth were shibboleths which I had never regarded and never would regard as weighty and immutable principles of economy. Money, to me, was simply a token of exchange for work done, and its value depended absolutely on the value of the work accomplished. Where money did not represent services rendered, I insisted, it had no value at all".
"I understood immediately that here was a truth of transcendental importance for the future of the German people. The absolute separation of stock exchange capital from the economic life of the nation would make it possible to oppose the process of internationalization in German business without at the same time attacking capital as such, for to do this would be to jeopardize the foundations of our national independence. I clearly saw what was developing in Germany, and I realised then that the stiffest fight we would have to wage would not be against the enemy nations but against international capital. In Feder's speech I found an effective rallying-cry for our coming struggle."
"Break down the thralldom of interest is our war cry.^^ What do we mean by the thralldom of interest? The landowner is under this thralldom, who has to raise loans to finance his farming operations, loans at such high interest as almost to eat up the results of his labour, or who is forced to make debts and to drag the mortgages after him like so much lead. So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittance, whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has not worked for. So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost entirely to pay the interest on bank overdrafts.
"Thralldom of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms, capital versus labour, blood versus money, creative work versus exploitation. The necessity of breaking this thralldom is of such vast importance for our nation and our race, that on it alone depends our nation's hope of rising up from its shame and slavery; in fact the hope of recovering happiness, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world. It is the pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than mere necessity of financial policy. Whilst its principles and consequences bite deep into political and economic life, it is a leading question for economic study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a decision from each one: Service to the nation or unlimited private enrichment. It means a solution of the Social Question.^^
"Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the benefit of the state; the financial magnates shall not form a state within the state. Hence our aim to break the thralldom of interest.
"Relief of the state, and hence of the nation, from its indebtedness to the great financial houses, which lend on interest.
"Nationalisation of the Reichsbank and the issuing houses, which lend on interest.
"Provision of money for all great public objects (waterpower, railroads etc), not by means of loans, but by granting non- interest bearing state bonds and without using ready money.
"Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured basis.
"Creation of a national bank of business development (currency reform) for granting non-interest bearing loans.
"Fundamental remodelling of the system of taxation on socio¬ economic principles. Relief of the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling taxation (fiscal reform and relief from taxation.)^
"Wanton printing of bank notes, without creating new values, means inflation. We all lived through it. But the correct conclusion is that an issue of non-interest bearing bonds by the state cannot produce inflation if new values are at the same time created.
"The fact that today great economic enterprises cannot be set on foot without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable use of the state's right to produce money which might produce most beneficial results."'^
In January 1939 matters came to a head when the President of the Reichsbank, Hjalmar Schacht, refused extension of three billion Reichsmarks worth of Off a and Mefo bills, because of fears of "inflation". On 7 January 1939 Schacht sent Hitler a memorandum signed by himself and the eight other board members of the Reichsbank, which contained the following main points.
The Reich must spend only that amount covered by taxes.
Full financial control must be returned to the Ministry of Finance. (Then forced to pay for anything the army desired.)
Price and wage control must be rendered effective. The existing mismanagement must be eliminated.
The use of money and investment markets must be at the sole discretion of the Reichsbank. (This meant a practical elimination of Goring's Four Year Plan)."^^
Schacht concluded his memorandum with the ambiguous words: "We shall be happy to do our best to collaborate with all future goals, but for now the time has come to call a halt."^ By these means Schacht intended to collapse the German economy,^ which during the period 1933-39 had increased its Gross National Product by 100 percent. From being a ruined and bankrupt nation in January 1933 with 7,500,000 unemployed persons,^ Hitler had transformed Germany into a modern socialist paradise. He was justifiably angry and rejected the recommendations of the Reichsbank as "mutiny".^ Two weeks later Schacht was sacked. Roger Elletson describes this momentous event as follows: "On 19 January 1939, Schacht was summarily dismissed, and the Reichsbank was ordered to grant the Reich all credits requested by Hitler. This decisive action essentially emasculated both the Reichsbank's control over domestic monetary policy, and the German power base of international Jewry. It had the effect of removing from Jewish bankers the power to deflate and destroy the German economy.
Excluding the implications of the interest rate paid on the MEFO bills, Germany could now be viewed as being on a "Feder System", rather than a "Schacht System". The Reichsbank effectively became an arm of the government, with the only real change being in the fact that bills were now monetised, or discounted, under the auspices of the State rather than some Jewish lackey in the Reichsbank presidency."^ Thus only in January 1939 did the Reichsbank become an authentic State Bank. Schacht's dismissal also terminated the transfer of confidential information regarding all Germany's economic developments,^ which he had been deviously giving without interruption to Montagu Norman, ^ a fellow mason and Governor of the Bank of England (1920-44).
A new Reichsbank law, which was promulgated on 15 June 1939, made the bank "unconditionally subordinated to the sovereignty of the state."
Article 3 of the law decreed that the bank, renamed the Deutsche Reichsbank, should be "directed and managed according to the instructions and under the supervision of the Fiihrer and Reichschancellor."'
Hitler was now his own banker, but having departed from the fold of international swindlers and usurers he would, like Napoleon Bonaparte, who in 1800 had established the Banque de France as a state bank, suffer the same fate; an unnecessary war followed by the ruination of his people and country. It was this event which triggered World War II - the realisation by the Rothschilds that universal replication of Germany's usury-free state banking system would permanently destroy their evil financial empire.
Source: A History Of Central Banking And The Enslavement Of Mankind by S. Goodson
The Rothschilds created and funded Schicklgruber, and Schicklgruber never harmed/killed them or confiscated their Banks/wealth during WW2. Now what?
Restating your claim doesn't prove anything. Still waiting for you to put forward some kind of evidence.
Now it's my turn. Does the following sound like a jewish Rothschild agent to you?
"I next argued that the gold standard, the fixing of rates of exchange and so forth were shibboleths which I had never regarded and never would regard as weighty and immutable principles of economy. Money, to me, was simply a token of exchange for work done, and its value depended absolutely on the value of the work accomplished. Where money did not represent services rendered, I insisted, it had no value at all".
"I understood immediately that here was a truth of transcendental importance for the future of the German people. The absolute separation of stock exchange capital from the economic life of the nation would make it possible to oppose the process of internationalization in German business without at the same time attacking capital as such, for to do this would be to jeopardize the foundations of our national independence. I clearly saw what was developing in Germany, and I realised then that the stiffest fight we would have to wage would not be against the enemy nations but against international capital. In Feder's speech I found an effective rallying-cry for our coming struggle."
"Break down the thralldom of interest is our war cry.^^ What do we mean by the thralldom of interest? The landowner is under this thralldom, who has to raise loans to finance his farming operations, loans at such high interest as almost to eat up the results of his labour, or who is forced to make debts and to drag the mortgages after him like so much lead. So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittance, whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has not worked for. So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost entirely to pay the interest on bank overdrafts.
"Thralldom of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms, capital versus labour, blood versus money, creative work versus exploitation. The necessity of breaking this thralldom is of such vast importance for our nation and our race, that on it alone depends our nation's hope of rising up from its shame and slavery; in fact the hope of recovering happiness, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world. It is the pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than mere necessity of financial policy. Whilst its principles and consequences bite deep into political and economic life, it is a leading question for economic study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a decision from each one: Service to the nation or unlimited private enrichment. It means a solution of the Social Question.^^
"Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the benefit of the state; the financial magnates shall not form a state within the state. Hence our aim to break the thralldom of interest.
"Relief of the state, and hence of the nation, from its indebtedness to the great financial houses, which lend on interest.
"Nationalisation of the Reichsbank and the issuing houses, which lend on interest.
"Provision of money for all great public objects (waterpower, railroads etc), not by means of loans, but by granting non- interest bearing state bonds and without using ready money.
"Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured basis.
"Creation of a national bank of business development (currency reform) for granting non-interest bearing loans.
"Fundamental remodelling of the system of taxation on socio¬ economic principles. Relief of the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling taxation (fiscal reform and relief from taxation.)^
"Wanton printing of bank notes, without creating new values, means inflation. We all lived through it. But the correct conclusion is that an issue of non-interest bearing bonds by the state cannot produce inflation if new values are at the same time created.
"The fact that today great economic enterprises cannot be set on foot without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable use of the state's right to produce money which might produce most beneficial results."'^
In January 1939 matters came to a head when the President of the Reichsbank, Hjalmar Schacht, refused extension of three billion Reichsmarks worth of Off a and Mefo bills, because of fears of "inflation". On 7 January 1939 Schacht sent Hitler a memorandum signed by himself and the eight other board members of the Reichsbank, which contained the following main points.
The Reich must spend only that amount covered by taxes.
Full financial control must be returned to the Ministry of Finance. (Then forced to pay for anything the army desired.)
Price and wage control must be rendered effective. The existing mismanagement must be eliminated.
The use of money and investment markets must be at the sole discretion of the Reichsbank. (This meant a practical elimination of Goring's Four Year Plan)."^^
Schacht concluded his memorandum with the ambiguous words: "We shall be happy to do our best to collaborate with all future goals, but for now the time has come to call a halt."^ By these means Schacht intended to collapse the German economy,^ which during the period 1933-39 had increased its Gross National Product by 100 percent. From being a ruined and bankrupt nation in January 1933 with 7,500,000 unemployed persons,^ Hitler had transformed Germany into a modern socialist paradise. He was justifiably angry and rejected the recommendations of the Reichsbank as "mutiny".^ Two weeks later Schacht was sacked. Roger Elletson describes this momentous event as follows: "On 19 January 1939, Schacht was summarily dismissed, and the Reichsbank was ordered to grant the Reich all credits requested by Hitler. **This decisive action essentially emasculated both the Reichsbank's control over domestic monetary policy, and the German power base of international Jewry. It had the effect of removing from Jewish bankers the power to deflate and destroy the German economy. **
Excluding the implications of the interest rate paid on the MEFO bills, Germany could now be viewed as being on a "Feder System", rather than a "Schacht System". The Reichsbank effectively became an arm of the government, with the only real change being in the fact that bills were now monetised, or discounted, under the auspices of the State rather than some Jewish lackey in the Reichsbank presidency."^ Thus only in January 1939 did the Reichsbank become an authentic State Bank. Schacht's dismissal also terminated the transfer of confidential information regarding all Germany's economic developments,^ which he had been deviously giving without interruption to Montagu Norman, ^ a fellow mason and Governor of the Bank of England (1920-44).
A new Reichsbank law, which was promulgated on 15 June 1939, made the bank "unconditionally subordinated to the sovereignty of the state."
Article 3 of the law decreed that the bank, renamed the Deutsche Reichsbank, should be "directed and managed according to the instructions and under the supervision of the Fiihrer and Reichschancellor."'
Hitler was now his own banker, but having departed from the fold of international swindlers and usurers he would, like Napoleon Bonaparte, who in 1800 had established the Banque de France as a state bank, suffer the same fate; an unnecessary war followed by the ruination of his people and country. It was this event which triggered World War II - the realisation by the Rothschilds that universal replication of Germany's usury-free state banking system would permanently destroy their evil financial empire.
Source: A History Of Central Banking And The Enslavement Of Mankind by S. Goodson
The Rothschilds created and funded Schicklgruber, and Schicklgruber never harmed/killed them or confiscated their Banks/wealth during WW2. Now what?
Restating your claim doesn't prove anything. Still waiting for you to put forward some kind of evidence.
Now it's my turn. Does the following sound like a jewish Rothschild agent to you?
"I next argued that the gold standard, the fixing of rates of exchange and so forth were shibboleths which I had never regarded and never would regard as weighty and immutable principles of economy. Money, to me, was simply a token of exchange for work done, and its value depended absolutely on the value of the work accomplished. Where money did not represent services rendered, I insisted, it had no value at all".
"I understood immediately that here was a truth of transcendental importance for the future of the German people. The absolute separation of stock exchange capital from the economic life of the nation would make it possible to oppose the process of internationalization in German business without at the same time attacking capital as such, for to do this would be to jeopardize the foundations of our national independence. I clearly saw what was developing in Germany, and I realised then that the stiffest fight we would have to wage would not be against the enemy nations but against international capital. In Feder's speech I found an effective rallying-cry for our coming struggle."
"Break down the thralldom of interest is our war cry.^^ What do we mean by the thralldom of interest? The landowner is under this thralldom, who has to raise loans to finance his farming operations, loans at such high interest as almost to eat up the results of his labour, or who is forced to make debts and to drag the mortgages after him like so much lead. So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittance, whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has not worked for. So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost entirely to pay the interest on bank overdrafts.
"Thralldom of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms, capital versus labour, blood versus money, creative work versus exploitation. The necessity of breaking this thralldom is of such vast importance for our nation and our race, that on it alone depends our nation's hope of rising up from its shame and slavery; in fact the hope of recovering happiness, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world. It is the pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than mere necessity of financial policy. Whilst its principles and consequences bite deep into political and economic life, it is a leading question for economic study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a decision from each one: Service to the nation or unlimited private enrichment. It means a solution of the Social Question.^^
"Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the benefit of the state; the financial magnates shall not form a state within the state. Hence our aim to break the thralldom of interest.
"Relief of the state, and hence of the nation, from its indebtedness to the great financial houses, which lend on interest.
"Nationalisation of the Reichsbank and the issuing houses, which lend on interest.
"Provision of money for all great public objects (waterpower, railroads etc), not by means of loans, but by granting non- interest bearing state bonds and without using ready money.
"Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured basis.
"Creation of a national bank of business development (currency reform) for granting non-interest bearing loans.
"Fundamental remodelling of the system of taxation on socio¬ economic principles. Relief of the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling taxation (fiscal reform and relief from taxation.)^
"Wanton printing of bank notes, without creating new values, means inflation. We all lived through it. But the correct conclusion is that an issue of non-interest bearing bonds by the state cannot produce inflation if new values are at the same time created.
"The fact that today great economic enterprises cannot be set on foot without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable use of the state's right to produce money which might produce most beneficial results."'^
In January 1939 matters came to a head when the President of the Reichsbank, Hjalmar Schacht, refused extension of three billion Reichsmarks worth of Off a and Mefo bills, because of fears of "inflation". On 7 January 1939 Schacht sent Hitler a memorandum signed by himself and the eight other board members of the Reichsbank, which contained the following main points.
The Reich must spend only that amount covered by taxes.
Full financial control must be returned to the Ministry of Finance. (Then forced to pay for anything the army desired.)
Price and wage control must be rendered effective. The existing mismanagement must be eliminated.
The use of money and investment markets must be at the sole discretion of the Reichsbank. (This meant a practical elimination of Goring's Four Year Plan)."^^
Schacht concluded his memorandum with the ambiguous words: "We shall be happy to do our best to collaborate with all future goals, but for now the time has come to call a halt."^ By these means Schacht intended to collapse the German economy,^ which during the period 1933-39 had increased its Gross National Product by 100 percent. From being a ruined and bankrupt nation in January 1933 with 7,500,000 unemployed persons,^ Hitler had transformed Germany into a modern socialist paradise. He was justifiably angry and rejected the recommendations of the Reichsbank as "mutiny".^ Two weeks later Schacht was sacked. Roger Elletson describes this momentous event as follows: "On 19 January 1939, Schacht was summarily dismissed, and the Reichsbank was ordered to grant the Reich all credits requested by Hitler. This decisive action essentially emasculated both the Reichsbank's control over domestic monetary policy, and the German power base of international Jewry. It had the effect of removing from Jewish bankers the power to deflate and destroy the German economy.
Excluding the implications of the interest rate paid on the MEFO bills, Germany could now be viewed as being on a "Feder System", rather than a "Schacht System". The Reichsbank effectively became an arm of the government, with the only real change being in the fact that bills were now monetised, or discounted, under the auspices of the State rather than some Jewish lackey in the Reichsbank presidency."^ Thus only in January 1939 did the Reichsbank become an authentic State Bank. Schacht's dismissal also terminated the transfer of confidential information regarding all Germany's economic developments,^ which he had been deviously giving without interruption to Montagu Norman, ^ a fellow mason and Governor of the Bank of England (1920-44).
A new Reichsbank law, which was promulgated on 15 June 1939, made the bank "unconditionally subordinated to the sovereignty of the state."
Article 3 of the law decreed that the bank, renamed the Deutsche Reichsbank, should be "directed and managed according to the instructions and under the supervision of the Fiihrer and Reichschancellor."'
Hitler was now his own banker, but having departed from the fold of international swindlers and usurers he would, like Napoleon Bonaparte, who in 1800 had established the Banque de France as a state bank, suffer the same fate; an unnecessary war followed by the ruination of his people and country. It was this event which triggered World War II - the realisation by the Rothschilds that universal replication of Germany's usury-free state banking system would permanently destroy their evil financial empire.
Source: A History Of Central Banking And The Enslavement Of Mankind by S. Goodson